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BARCELONA: Catalonia's president is facing a critical decision that could determine the course of the region's secessionist movement to break away from Spain. The Spanish government has given Carles Puigdemont until today morning to clarify if he did or didn't actually declare independence earlier this week. Puigdemont told Catalan lawmakers Tuesday that he had "accepted" a mandate for independence based on the results of a disputed referendum, but that he wanted parliament to delay its implementation "for a few weeks" to give one last chance to open negotiations with Spain.
If Puigdemont replies "Yes" to Madrid today, then Spain's government has given him until Thursday to back down or else Catalonia's ample self-rule could be temporarily suspended. But if Puigdemont replies "No," he will face rebellion from hardliners inside the secessionist camp which could topple his government and force a regional election for Catalonia. The far-left CUP party said on Saturday that it will withdraw its support from Puigdemont's government if he fails to make a firm statement for a declaration of independence and deliver on that promise in the regional parliament.
Puigdemont gave no hints on what his answer will be when he briefly spoke at a traditional memorial to former Catalan leader Lluis Companys, who was executed in 1940 by the troops of dictator Gen Francisco Franco. "In place like this and on a day like this, my government wants to reiterate its commitment to peace ... and democracy ahead of the decisions we must make," Puigdemont said after placing flower arrangements at the site where Companys was shot and at his tomb in Barcelona.
Moderates in the secessionist bloc are backing Puigdemont's attempt to talk with Madrid, despite its repeated rejections of even considering the possibility of Catalonia splitting away. The European Union supports a united Spain and no foreign country has voiced support for Catalonia's separatists, meaning a declaration of independence would likely only garner a robust response from Spanish authorities.
Puigdemont claimed he had the mandate to declare an independent Catalonia after an overwhelming "Yes" vote in a Oct 1 referendum that Spain's top court had suspended on grounds that it was likely unconstitutional. Spain's Constitution says that matters of national sovereignty are the jurisdiction of the Spanish parliament. Parties against secession boycotted the vote on grounds that it was illegal and lacked basic guarantees such as an independent electoral board. Only 43 percent of eligible voters cast ballots amid a Spanish police crackdown that Catalan officials said injured hundreds. Spanish authorities said the police response was proportionate and that hundreds of officers were also injured in the violence.
Polls taken before the referendum showed roughly half of Catalonia's 7.5 million residents don't want to leave Spain. Long silent compared to the well-organized secessionists, pro-union forces have held large rallies in Barcelona over the last week. The political crisis has also led to an exodus of business and banks from the prosperous northeastern region. Hundreds have relocated their headquarters to other parts of Spain to avoid being cast out of the European common market.
As Catalonia's separatist challenge heats up, far-right groups are increasingly taking to the streets in their quest for Spanish unity, sparking fears they will grow stronger after decades on the margins, analysts say. In central Barcelona Thursday, xenophobic group Hogar Social, far-right party Vox and ultra nationalist group Espana 2000 rallied along with tens of thousands of families, couples and retirees for Spain's national day.
Not far off on Barcelona's mountain of Montjuic, several hundred other far-right supporters rallied, holding fiery speeches next to a stand selling memorabilia like Adolf Hitler's "political testament" or items marked with "SS", the insignia of the Nazi elite force. Small groups of far-right supporters have gathered on other occasions in Barcelona, or further afield in Valencia or the Balearic Islands-parts of Spain with strong regional identities-sparking scuffles. While these types of incidents have happened in the past, some fear that the far-right could grow stronger if the face-off between Spain's central government and Catalan leaders who want to break away persists.
Far-right weak in Spain
"The longer the polarization (in Spain) and the harder it is to resolve the conflict, the more the potential for these groups to get organized and gain political influence, or take to the streets," says political analyst Pablo Simon. "There have never been such big protests with Spanish flags, and that's what these groups are taking advantage of to grow bolder and expand. "They're becoming more visible." Historian Xavier Casals, who specializes in the far-right, counters that there is currently no political party with a brand strong enough to capitalize on the Catalan crisis.
But he adds it is difficult to gauge what will happen as "the situation in Catalonia is evolving rapidly, with unpredictable and changing scenarios." Unlike other European countries such as France or Germany, Spain's far-right is very much on the margin and "has been hugely fragmented since the start of the 1980s," says Jordi Borras, a photojournalist who has long studied the issue. The country's national parliament has not had any far-right lawmaker since 1982. After Spain transitioned to democracy in the 1970s, the far-right found itself unable to broaden its appeal beyond nostalgia for Francisco Franco's 1939-1975 dictatorship, says Borras. Not only that, but many people who identify with the far-right vote for Spain's conservative Popular Party, which is currently in power, he adds. - Agencies