By Hussain Sana
Avi Shlaim, an Iraqi-born Israeli-British historian, is an Emeritus Professor of International Relations at the University of Oxford and one of the leading voices on Middle Eastern history, particularly the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Known for his critical approach to Israeli policies and his personal connection to the region, Shlaim identifies as an Iraqi Arab Jew, offering a unique perspective on the intertwined histories of Jews and Arabs.
Shlaim’s groundbreaking research, incisive critique and access to declassified Israeli documents on the 1948 Arab-Israeli War have earned him a distinguished international reputation. As a prominent member of Israel’s "new historians” movement, a group of primarily Jewish and Israeli scholars, Shlaim has been instrumental in challenging the traditional Zionist narrative.
This movement critically examines Israel’s founding history, including the crimes committed by Israeli militias during the Nakba. By exposing these historical truths, Shlaim and his peers advocate for moving beyond Zionism and embracing the principles of "post-Zionism”, which envision a fair and just peace with the Palestinians based on reconciliation and mutual understanding.
In a wide-ranging interview with Kuwait Times at his home in Oxford, United Kingdom, Shlaim reflected on his identity, his journey to academia, the enduring legacy of the Palestinian cause and the geopolitical shifts shaping the Middle East today.
Kuwait Times: Can you start by introducing yourself? What does it mean to be an Iraqi Arab Jew, and how did you end up in Oxford?
Avi Shlaim: I was born in Baghdad on October 31, 1945, into a Jewish family with deep roots in Iraq. Jews had lived in Iraq for two and a half millennia, since the Babylonian exile, and we were very happy there. My father was a wealthy merchant importing building materials, and many Iraqi government ministers were his clients. We lived in a grand house with 14 servants, enjoying a comfortable, luxurious lifestyle and feeling well-integrated into society.
My mother, the hero of my memoir "Three Worlds: Memoir of an Arab Jew”, often reminisced about the wonderful Muslim friends we had in Baghdad. When I asked her if we had any Zionist friends, she said, "No, Zionism is an Ashkenazi thing; it has nothing to do with us.” Zionism held no appeal for us because we were Iraqis. My father spoke only Arabic and had no desire to leave Iraq.
However, after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Jews across the Arab world faced a backlash. In Iraq, the defeat in Palestine led to the persecution of Jews. Jewish professionals lost their jobs, quotas limited university admissions, and restrictions targeted Jewish merchants and financiers. Jews were scapegoated for the Arab defeat.
The establishment of Israel in 1948 further worsened our status. Zionism gave Jews a territorial identity for the first time, and Arabs who disliked Jews could now say, "You don’t belong here; go join your brothers in Palestine.” This polarization between Jews and Arabs changed the Middle East profoundly.
In March 1950, the Iraqi government passed a law allowing Jews to emigrate. Over the next year, five bombs exploded in Jewish areas of Baghdad, creating panic. As a result, 125,000 Iraqi Jews left for Israel. While I don’t argue that Mossad orchestrated these attacks, it is a factor worth considering in the massive exodus of Jews from Iraq.
KT: I hadn’t realized the deep historical impact of uprooting Iraqi Jews. We’re a generation that has witnessed their ethnic cleansing.
Shlaim: My primary research focuses on the Arab-Israeli conflict. I always knew Palestinians were the main victims of Zionism, losing their homeland and becoming refugees. But while writing my memoir, I realized another group of victims: Jews from the Arab lands.
Before 1948, there were thriving Jewish communities across the Arab world — Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, and the Maghreb. Arabs born after 1948 often have no idea how different the Middle East once was. Zionism was a divisive force that polarized Jews and Muslims, Israelis and Arabs. It reshaped the region, and this historical context is why my memoir has resonated, particularly with the Arabic-speaking audience.
KT: Some argue it was the Arab governments’ fault for driving Jews out, while others blame Zionists and foreign powers. How do you see it?
Shlaim: I don’t place exclusive blame on Israel for the exodus of Jews from Arab lands, but its role is often overlooked. Arab regimes also bear responsibility. Jews were caught in the crossfire between Arab nationalism and Jewish nationalism (Zionism), two antagonistic movements.
In Iraq, antisemitism surged during the interwar period, fueled by nationalist parties like the Istiklal (Independence) Party, which called for expelling Jews. Only the Communist Party defended Jewish rights. While some Arab intellectuals today regret their regimes’ actions, I doubt many Iraqi Jews would return, even if offered the chance. Too much time has passed, and the divide between Israel and the Arab world remains vast.
KT: Iraqi Jews were pushed to leave, and Zionism attracted them. Can you describe your family’s experience after migrating to Israel?
Shlaim: The exodus to Israel was sudden and painful. My family lost everything — our wealth, status, and roots in Iraqi society. When we arrived, we were penniless, allowed only one suitcase and 50 dinars per person. At the airport, we were sprayed with DDT, as though we were livestock.
From there, we were sent to transit camps (ma’abarot), which were primitive and unsanitary. The camp managers — Ashkenazi Jews — didn’t understand or respect our culture, achievements or qualifications. This fueled resentment among Iraqi Jews, who felt like second-class citizens. I was five years old, but I sensed the disdain for anything Arab. The Arabic language was seen as inferior, and I felt ashamed when my father spoke it. This sense of inferiority shaped my relationship with Israeli society.
KT: You mentioned a feeling of inferiority despite coming from a wealthy, upper-class family in Iraq. Why?
Shlaim: Immigration to Israel is called Aliyah, meaning "ascent”, but for us, it was a descent — Yerida. We went from being an affluent family to living on the margins of Israeli society. The Ashkenazi elite looked down on Arab Jews, considering them culturally and intellectually inferior.
This racism persisted even as Israel prioritized mass immigration to build its state. The divide between Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jews remains deeply ingrained in Israeli society.
KT: You left Israel after the 1967 war. How did your views evolve, and what led you to the UK?
Shlaim: The 1967 war was a turning point for me. Initially, I was a patriotic Zionist. I had served in the IDF (1964–1966) and believed we were a small, peaceful country defending ourselves against hostile neighbors. But after the war, Israel became a colonial power, tripling its territory and ruling over a resistant Arab population.
My disillusionment grew as Israel began building settlements on occupied Palestinian land, which remain the biggest obstacle to peace. The ethnic cleansing of Palestinians started in 1948, continued after 1967, and persists today.
KT: What remains of the Palestinian cause after the 7th of October?
Shlaim: The Hamas attack on Israel has led to far-reaching geopolitical consequences, extending beyond Israel and the occupied territories. Israeli society was profoundly shaken by the attack, fueling fears of existential threats and prompting a massive, brutal response. The Israeli government, led by Netanyahu and influenced by extremists like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, exploited the attack to accelerate its pre-existing agenda of ethnic cleansing and settler colonialism in the West Bank. This government, the most right-wing in Israel’s history, opposes Palestinian statehood and seeks to formally annex the West Bank.
In Gaza, Israel’s military response has gone beyond previous assaults. The destruction has rendered Gaza nearly uninhabitable, with tens of thousands killed, including over 17,000 children, and 70 percent of civilian infrastructure destroyed. The long-term agenda seems aimed at depopulating Gaza and pushing its residents into northern Sinai, although Egypt has resisted this. While Israel has achieved tactical successes against Hamas, Hezbollah and Iranian proxies, these actions fail to address the root causes of the conflict. Military might cannot replace a political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
KT: Does Israel’s offensive buy it 10-20 years of control?
Shlaim: The Palestinians will not disappear. Israel’s efforts to manage the conflict by dividing Palestinians and undermining leadership have no lasting solution. The killing of thousands of children in Gaza will likely breed a new generation committed to armed resistance. Israel’s short-term tactical successes cannot change the fundamental reality: Two peoples, one land. A political resolution remains essential for lasting peace and security.
KT: Who can Israeli leadership talk to, given the fractured Palestinian leadership?
Shlaim: Weak Palestinian leadership has historically hampered the national movement, from Haj Amin Al-Husseini to Abu Mazen today. The Palestinian Authority (PA) in Ramallah lacks legitimacy due to its perceived corruption, inefficiency and collaboration with Israel. Meanwhile, Hamas governs Gaza but is weakened. Israel has consistently opposed unified Palestinian leadership, fearing it would strengthen Palestinian claims. While the PLO once served as a negotiating partner, Israel’s right-wing governments, particularly under Netanyahu, have abandoned the Oslo Accords, leaving no clear path for negotiations.
KT: Netanyahu has emphasized keeping Palestinians divided. Is this a cornerstone of his policy?
Shlaim: Yes, divide and rule has been central to Netanyahu’s strategy. By maintaining a weak PA in the West Bank and containing Hamas in Gaza, Netanyahu believed he had managed the conflict. However, the events of October 7 shattered this illusion, proving the fragility of this approach.
KT: Was October 7 a failure or a success for Palestinians?
Shlaim: The unprecedented scale of Israel’s response to the Hamas attack has caused immense suffering in Gaza. While some argue that Hamas miscalculated, the attack has also drawn international attention to Israel’s actions. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has ruled there is a real risk of genocide in Gaza, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued arrest warrants for Israeli leaders. This marks a significant shift in international perceptions, highlighting the moral deterioration of Israeli policies.
KT: Is the Iranian axis now part of history?
Shlaim: The Iranian axis has suffered setbacks, with Syria no longer a reliable conduit for arming Hezbollah due to its own internal crises and Israeli strikes. Hezbollah has sustained heavy losses, and logistical challenges will complicate its rearmament. While Israel’s actions have weakened the axis of resistance, they risk escalating the conflict further, particularly if calls for strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities are heeded.
KT: Why don’t Jews rise up against Israel, as Muslims did against ISIS?
Shlaim: Israel claims to represent Jews worldwide, but many Jewish communities, especially in the West, reject this notion. Groups like Jewish Voice for Peace in the US and Independent Jewish Voices in the UK criticize Israeli policies and advocate for Palestinian rights. The growing disillusionment among Jews stems from Israel’s deviation from core Jewish values of justice, truth and peace.
KT: Can Arab-Jewish civilization be revived?
Shlaim: Long-term hope lies in fostering understanding between Jews and Muslims. Initiatives like UAE-hosted dialogues show potential for rebuilding ties. Arab-Jewish coexistence flourished historically and can serve as a model for future relations. Ordinary individuals should promote empathy, challenge divisive nationalism and advocate for humane policies.
KT: Any remaining cultural ties to Iraqi Jewish music?
Shlaim: Iraqi Jews played a significant role in Maqam music. The Al-Kuwaiti brothers, Daoud and Salih, were iconic musicians who brought Iraqi music to prominence, performing on Baghdad radio and at social events, including my parents’ wedding. Their music, alongside Salima Murad’s, remains a cherished cultural legacy.